Highway One: A Vietnam War Story

Introduction

            There is a small village about halfway between the ancient city of Hue in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, where Highway One crosses the Song O Lau River. There is nothing really special about this village, assuming it is still there today, and there was nothing really special about the village when the Americans were there.

            The only thing you need to know about the village is that in 1968 this small village served as the seat of the Phong Dien district government, in the province of Thua Thien, in the sovereign state of South Vietnam. This meant that the day-to-day affairs of the people of that little farming village were watched over, regulated, and complicated by the local district government and its American advisors.

            If you recall, either from memory or history, during that American war martial law was in effect throughout the country. The top administrator at the local levels of government was the District Chief. He was usually not an elected official, but an officer of the South Vietnamese Regular Army. He was often a wealthy, educated man from Saigon, which was what Ho Chi Minh City was called back then, and a man who looked upon his assignment as District Chief as an irritating, yet required step in his military career.

            In addition to looking after the civil affairs of the people, the district chief was also the senior military commander of the local Popular Forces, somewhat condescendingly nicknamed the Ruff Puffs by their American Advisors. This paramilitary organization got this label from the combination of the first letters from their official designation: Regional Forces/Popular Forces. This force was started by the French and was known as the People's Self-defense Force. The name was changed to “Regional Forces/Popular Forces” by the Americans in one of the attempts to apply a “systems” approach to the war, much like it was done at the Ford Motor Company.

            This local militia force was usually made up of good, law-abiding Vietnamese citizens, but often their ranks contained a fair number of petty criminals and men who were too old for South Vietnam's military draft. This local militia was also a relatively safe haven for local merchants and sons of wealthy families that bought their way out of the draft for regular Army of South Vietnam. By joining the local reserves, so to speak, these men could stay close to home and avoid combat.

It was a system not unlike the one in the United States at that time used by the fortunate sons of the elite. A system where well-to-do white men, having used up their college deferment in graduate and divinity schools, obtained coveted spots in the National Guard and Reserves in order to avoid the draft and risk the chance of being sent to Vietnam.

            Since the Popular Forces were recruited from their own community, the soldiers of the average Ruff Puff platoon would be representative of their community's politics. So each platoon contained about the same percentage of Viet Cong as the local population. In the district of Phong Dien, that was about fifty percent.

            The mission of the Ruff Puffs, in general, was to protect their own district. The mission of the Ruff Puffs at Phong Dien, specifically, was to protect the bridge over the Song O Lau River on Highway One. This bridge was at the north end of the village and approximately halfway between Hue and Quang Tri on Highway One. Therefore, it was a very important link in the supply line between the two cities.

            In those days, the wise District Chiefs who rotated in and out of Phong Dien would seclude themselves in the yellow administration building inside the military compound located at the southern edge of the village and try not to make waves. Most believed their task was to run an efficient, do-nothing, local government until some other luckless staff officer in Saigon screwed up and was ordered from that beautiful city to become the new District Chief at Phong Dien.

            However, the foolish District Chiefs, usually upon the urging of their American advisors, would leave the sanctuary of the yellow administration building and attempt to bring change to the district in accordance with some plan or policy written thousands of miles away inside the Washington DC beltway. These new plans and policies arrived with regularity, and were forced upon the South Vietnamese District Chiefs as the right thing to do. All had something to do with winning the hearts and minds of their own people.

            It was always a variation of the same theme. District Chiefs would receive orders to implement some grand plan to curb the influence of the Viet Cong Infrastructure, or at least give the impression to the media of the Western World that South Vietnam and its Southeast Treaty Organization allies were winning the war. The wise District Chiefs ignored their American counterparts, and politely stonewalled the ideas arriving almost daily from Washington. The foolish District Chiefs listened to their American advisors. The foolish District Chiefs always seemed to get people killed.

            So the problem was, in this little village, at least, and perhaps throughout the entire country of South Vietnam in those days, not so much the Viet Cong and their guerilla war, but the American advisors and their advice. These Americans weren't necessarily incompetent, although there were plenty of incompetents involved in the war at all levels in those days, it was just that the American advisors were almost always career military officers who were sent to South Vietnam for only a one-year tour of duty. For these career officers, this was a year that would determine their future in the military. This was a year for them to demonstrate their capabilities to their superior officers. This was a year for career officers to "punch their tickets", a term which was never, ever, clearly defined.

            In other words, the advisors and everyone else in the chain-of-command had one short year to make a difference. But, by not understanding the traditional Asian view of the relationship between time and war, the American advisors always felt like they had to do something. And that was the problem.  

Home